劳申玥 翻译
这篇文章可以说是弗洛伊德阐述女性发展最重要的一篇文章，我将（我所理解的）重点和结论性观点整理了一下，感兴趣的直接看下面译文，还有些我没翻明白的地方，欢迎校对指正。
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1、分析观察发现，强烈依恋父亲的那些女性，有多恋父，过去就有多恋母，只是客体的性别换了，但性质和强度是一样的。而且有些案例中发现，女孩对母亲的依恋期可以长达5年，“我们不得不考虑一种可能，即许多女性仍然束缚在与母亲的原始依恋中，而从未达成过转向男性的真正转变。”
2、在小女孩转向父亲之前，“她已经和母亲以丰富而多样的方式建立了最初的联结。”这个阶段提供了所有固着和压抑的空间，因此神经症的起源，可追溯到前俄狄浦斯期。
3、双性恋是人类最初的设定。女性比男性表现的更明显。早年阴道相当于不存在，阴蒂相当于男孩的阴茎，女孩童年期的性生活总是和阴蒂有关。
4、男孩的俄狄浦斯情结：男孩偶然看到女孩没有阴茎，为自己有阴茎很得意，一方面依恋着原初的爱的对象——母亲，一方面害怕被父亲攻击阉割，于是注意力转向保护好小鸡鸡，反而削减了婴儿式的性欲，转向性的潜伏期（学龄期探索），也就是认同了父亲的力量，形成超我，完成俄狄浦斯情结的转化。遗留影响是轻视女性，限制客体选择，成为纯粹的同性恋。
5、女孩的阉割情结：女孩承认被阉割的事实，以及附带的劣等性，但是不开心要反抗。
反抗的过程发展出三条路径：
A，害怕被男孩比下去，放弃性活动以及男性特质。
B，执着于男性气质，幻想自己拥有阴茎，导致同性恋倾向。
C，依恋客体转向父亲，完成女性形式的俄狄浦斯情结。
女孩由于阉割情结而创造出女性特质。
6、女孩为何背离母亲：动机1，婴儿的欲望是排他的，没有边界，永不满足的，在母亲那里必然受挫；动机2，被照料的过程中，唤起性感觉，母亲成为诱惑者，同时又是限制者，怨恨母亲禁止自己获得自由的性生活；动机3，意识到被阉割是普遍存在的，母亲也受到了贬损。
总结：“也许真正的事实是，对母亲的依恋注定要消亡，就是因为它是第一次而且如此强烈的感情；……由于不可避免的失落，以及不断积累怨恨的理由，对爱的态度都很可能走到一个悲伤的结果。这种矛盾情感驱使小女孩背离母亲——再概括说，是出于幼儿性欲的普遍特征。”
7、关于主动和被动的性倾向：用积极的行为来重复消极的感受，由此消除被动无助的感觉。eg.儿童游戏角色扮演
在幼儿身上可看到反抗被动性，倾向于主动性的规律。最初婴儿都是被动的（被照顾），一部分力比多贯注于享受被动，一部分努力转向主动性。（我认为这里有个“人本主义”的基调作为设定）
8、关于受虐性：女孩指向母亲的性冲动，早年是口欲的攻击和施虐欲，由于压抑攻击性，转变为害怕被攻击的恐惧，本质来源于女孩对母亲的敌意。当小女孩被母亲灌肠时（那个年代。。。）发出激烈尖叫，是攻击的渴望的一种转化形式。强烈的被动刺激，引发渴望攻击的爆发。
9、女孩如何转向父亲：母亲照料女孩过程中，激发性的感觉，不可避免地引入生殖器期，发展出被动的性倾向，同时将展开性生活（这件事）转交给父亲。
主动的性倾向受挫，压抑男性气质到一个可接受的程度，被动的性倾向增加，这样可以避开受挫。
10、关于阴茎嫉妒：原发的阴茎嫉妒，和男孩的原发性自恋，有同样的性质，同样的出口。女孩的生殖器期，是继发的阴茎嫉妒，是一个保护性的防御，用于阻挡女性化的性冲动，特别是阻挡对父亲的依恋，并不是一个天然的发展阶段。
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FEMALE SEXUALITY
I
During the phase of the normal Oedipus complex we find the child tenderly attached to the parent of the opposite sex, while its relation to the parent of its own sex is predominantly hostile. In the case of a boy there is no difficulty in explaining this. His first love-object was his mother. She remains so; and, with the strengthening of his erotic desires and his deeper insight into the relations between his father and mother, the former is bound to become his rival. With the small girl it is different. Her first object, too, was her mother. How does she find her way to her father? How, when and why does she detach herself from her mother? We have long understood that the development of female sexuality is complicated by the fact that the girl has the task of giving up what was originally her leading genital zone the clitoris - in favour of a new zone - the vagina. But it now seems to us that there is a second change of the same sort which is no less characteristic and important for the development of the female: the exchange of her original object - her mother - for her father. The way in which the two tasks are connected with each other is not yet clear to us.
在正常的俄狄浦斯情结期，我们发现孩子温柔地依恋着异性父母，而与同性父母的关系却以敌对为主。对男孩来说这不难解释。他第一个爱的客体是母亲。母亲也保持着这个角色，然后随着他爱若（erotic）欲望的加强，以及他对父母关系的深层洞察，父亲注定要成为他的竞争对手。在小女孩那里情况就不同了。她最初的客体也是母亲。那么她如何找到通向父亲的道路？她如何、何时以及为何将自己与母亲分开？我们一直知道，女性性欲的发展是比较复杂的，因为女孩的任务是放弃原先阴蒂主导的性感区域——倾向一个新的区域——阴道。但是现在看来，还有第二个同样性质的转变，对于女性的发展而言，其特征性和重要性都很高：原初客体的替换——由母亲替换为父亲。我们至今仍不清楚，这两个任务是如何互相关联的。
It is well known that there are many women who have a strong attachment to their father; nor need they be in any way neurotic. It is upon such women that I have made the observations which I propose to report here and which have led me to adopt a particular view of female sexuality. I was struck, above all, by two facts. The first was that where the woman’s attachment to her father was particularly intense, analysis showed that it had been preceded by a phase of exclusive attachment to her mother which had been equally intense and passionate. Except for the change of her love-object, the second phase had scarcely added any new feature to her erotic life. Her primary relation to her mother had been built up in a very rich and many-sided manner. The second fact taught me that the duration of this attachment had also been greatly under-estimated. In several cases it lasted until well into the fourth year - in one case into the fifth year - so that it covered by far the longer part of the period of early sexual efflorescence. Indeed, we had to reckon with the possibility that a number of women remain arrested in their original attachment to their mother and never achieve a true change-over towards men. This being so, the pre-Oedipus phase in women gains an importance which we have not attributed to it hitherto.
我们知道有很多女人，她们对父亲有强烈的依恋，而并不需要表现为神经症的形式。我打算在此报告一个我观察过的女性，基于对她的观察，将我带入一个特别的视角来看待女性性欲。有两点使我深受启发。第一是在女性特别强烈依恋着父亲的情况下，分析发现，在那之前总有一个阶段是极度依恋母亲的，两者都同样的强烈和热情。除了爱的客体有变化，这第二阶段几乎没有给她的性欲方面带来任何新的特质，她已经和母亲以丰富而多样的方式建立了最初的联结。第二点是我意识到，我们大大低估了这种依恋的持久性。在几个案例中它几乎持续到第四年——有个案例是持续到第五年——因此它覆盖了早年性萌发期的很长一段时间。实际上，我们不得不考虑一种可能，即许多女性仍然束缚在与母亲的原始依恋中，而从未达成过转向男性的真正转变。这么说的话，女性的前俄狄浦斯期就有了我们不曾认识到的重要性。
Since this phase allows room for all the fixations and repressions from which we trace the origin of the neuroses, it would seem as though we must retract the universality of the thesis that the Oedipus complex is the nucleus of the neuroses. But if anyone feels reluctant about making this correction, there is no need for him to do so. On the one hand, we can extend the content of the Oedipus complex to include all the child’s relations to both parents; or, on the other, we can take due account of our new findings by saying that the female only reaches the normal positive Oedipus situation after she has surmounted a period before it that is governed by the negative complex. And indeed during that phase a little girl’s father is not much else for her than a troublesome rival, although her hostility towards him never reaches the pitch which is characteristic of boys. We have, after all, long given up any expectation of a neat parallelism between male and female sexual development.
由于这个阶段提供了所有固着和压抑的空间，我们可从中追溯到神经症的起源，于是我们似乎必须收回论述中的共识，即俄狄浦斯情结是神经症的核心。但是如果有人不愿意作出这个更正，也无可厚非。一方面，我们可以将俄狄浦斯情结的内涵扩展到孩子与双亲的所有关系；或者，另一方面，可以对我们的新发现做重新的考量，即女性只有超越了之前那个反抗情结主导的时期后，才能达到正常的主动性俄狄浦斯情境。的确，在那段时期，父亲对于小女孩而言，不过是个令人讨厌的竞争对手，不过她对他的敌意永远不会达到男孩那种程度。总之我们早就放弃了男女性欲发展应是完全对称的的预期。
Our insight into this early, pre-Oedipus, phase in girls comes to us as a surprise, like the discovery, in another field, of the Minoan-Mycenean civilization behind the civilization of Greece.
对女孩的早年前俄狄浦斯期的洞见给了我们一个惊喜，就像在希腊文明的背后，在另一片场域发现了米诺斯文明。
Everything in the sphere of this first attachment to the mother seemed to me so difficult to grasp in analysis - so grey with age and shadowy and almost impossible to revivify - that it was as if it had succumbed to an especially inexorable repression. But perhaps I gained this impression because the women who were in analysis with me were able to cling to the very attachment to the father in which they had taken refuge from the early phase that was in question. It does indeed appear that women analysts - as, for instance, Jeanne Lampl-de Groot and Helene Deutsch - have been able to perceive these facts more easily and clearly because they were helped in dealing with those under their treatment by the transference to a suitable mother-substitute. Nor have I succeeded in seeing my way though any case completely, and I shall therefore confine myself to reporting the most general findings and shall give only a few examples of the new ideas which I have arrived at. Among these is a suspicion that this phase of attachment to the mother is especially intimately related to the aetiology of hysteria, which is not surprising when we reflect that both the phase and the neurosis are characteristically feminine, and further, that in this dependence on the mother we have the germ of later paranoia in women.1 For this germ appears to be the surprising, yet regular, fear of being killed (? devoured) by the mother. It is plausible to assume that this fear corresponds to a hostility which develops in the child towards her mother in consequence of the manifold restrictions imposed by the latter in the course of training and bodily care and that the mechanism of projection is favoured by the early age of the child’s psychical organization.
对母亲的原初依恋中的一切，对我而言都是在分析中难以把握的——随着时间而晦暗模糊，几乎不能被还原——以至于它仿佛已屈服于无情的压抑。但也许我有这样的感觉是因为，找我做分析的女性执着于依恋父亲，从而规避了有问题的早年阶段。的确，看起来女分析家们——例如Jeanne Lample-de Groot 和 Helene Deutsch——能够更容易、清楚地感知到这些，因为她们在治疗中处理这些问题时，在移情关系中是作为一个匹配的替代母亲。尽管完成了一些案例，但以我的方式并不算成功，因此我不应报告那些最一般的结论，而是给出一些我已探索到新观点的例子。其中有一个猜想是，依恋母亲的时期与癔症的起源有特别密切的关系，如果我们考虑到这种阶段和这种神经症都是女性特有的，就一点也不奇怪了，进一步说，在这种对母亲的依赖中，我们发现了日后女性偏执狂的萌芽。①由于这一萌芽令人意外又必然发生，并且害怕被母亲杀掉（或吞噬？）。我们可以合理地假设，这一恐惧来源于孩子对母亲的敌对，是日后母亲通过管教和身体照料多方面强制约束孩子的结果，因此儿童早年的心理功能偏爱使用投射机制。
1 In the well-known case of delusional jealousy reported by Ruth Mack Brunswick (1928), the direct source of the disorder was the patient’s pre-Oedipus fixation (to her sister).
①在Ruth Mack Brunswick (1928)报告的著名的嫉妒妄想案例中，这种精神紊乱的直接根源是病人（对其姐姐）的前俄狄浦斯期固著。
II
I began by stating the two facts which have struck me as new: that a woman’s strong dependence on her father merely takes over the heritage of an equally strong attachment to her mother, and that this earlier phase has lasted for an unexpectedly long period of time. I shall now go back a little in order to insert these new findings into the picture of female sexual development with which we are familiar. In doing this, a certain amount of repetition will be inevitable. It will help our exposition if, as we go along, we compare the state of things in women with that in men.
我先说两个令我耳目一新的事实：一个女性对她父亲强烈的依赖，只不过是延续了对母亲的同样强烈的依恋，因此这个更早期的阶段持续了出乎意料长的时间。现在我将倒回去一点，把这些新发现补充进我们所熟知的女性性欲发展的构想中。这么做，有些重复是免不了的。比较女性和男性的性欲发展的状态，将有助于我们的阐述。
First of all, there can be no doubt that the bisexuality, which is present, as we believe, in the innate disposition of human beings, comes to the fore much more clearly in women than in men. A man, after all, has only one leading sexual zone, one sexual organ, whereas a woman has two: the vagina - the female organ proper - and the clitoris, which is analogous to the male organ. We believe we are justified in assuming that for many years the vagina is virtually non-existent and possibly does not produce sensations until puberty. It is true that recently an increasing number of observers report that vaginal impulses are present even in these early years. In women, therefore, the main genital occurrences of childhood must take place in relation to the clitoris. Their sexual life is regularly divided into two phases, of which the first has a masculine character, while only the second is specifically feminine. Thus in female development there is a process of transition from the one phase to the other, to which there is nothing analogous in the male. A further complication arises from the fact that the
clitoris, with its virile character, continues to function in later female sexual life in a manner which is very variable and which is certainly not yet satisfactorily understood. We do not, of course, know the biological basis of these peculiarities in women; and still less are we able to assign them any teleological purpose.
首先要说的是，如我们所相信的，毫无疑问，双性恋作为人类最初的设定，在女性身上凸现出来要比男性更明显。毕竟男性只有一个先导的性欲区，一个性器官，而女性有两个：阴道——严格意义上的女性器官——以及类似男性性器的阴蒂。我们相信，我们有理由假设，早期多年来阴道相当于是不存在的，可能在青春期前也不产生感受。但近期确实越来越多观察者报告说，阴道性冲动在早年就已经存在。对女性来说，童年期的主要性活动必须和阴蒂有关。她们的性生活通常分为两个阶段，第一阶段有着男性化特征，而第二阶段才是女性特有的。而且女性发展中有从一个阶段转向另一个的转变过程，这和男性没有可比性。由此出现一个更加复杂的情况，具有男性特征的阴蒂，在女性之后的性生活中持续发挥一定程度的作用，以其非常多样化的方式，而且对此的理解尚不令人满意。当然，我们并不知道女人这些怪癖的生物基础；并且我们仍然无法以目的论去解释它们。
Parallel with this first great difference there is the other, concerned with the finding of the object. In the case of a male, his mother becomes his first love-object as a result of her feeding him and looking after him, and she remains so until she is replaced by someone who resembles her or is derived from her. A female’s first object, too, must be her mother: the primary conditions for a choice of object are, of course, the same for all children. But at the end of her development, her father - a man - should have become her new love-object. In other words, to the change in her own sex there must correspond a change in the sex of her object. The new problems that now require investigating are in what way this change takes place, how radically or how incompletely it is carried out, and what the different possibilities are which present themselves in the course of this development.
与第一个重大区别并行，还有另一个区别，与客体的发现有关。对男性来说，母亲喂养他照料他，于是成为他第一个爱的客体，她持续存在，直到被一个像她或衍生于她的人所替代。女性的第一个客体，当然也是她的母亲：选择客体首要的条件，当然对所有的孩子来说都一样。但是在她发展到最后，父亲——一个男性——应成为她新的爱之客体。换句话说，她自己的性方面的变化，必然对应着她的客体发生了性别变化。现在要研究的新问题是，这种变化是如何发生的，它进行得是否彻底，以及在这个发展过程中，不同的可能性是如何表现的。
We have already learned, too, that there is yet another difference between the sexes, which relates to the Oedipus complex. We have an impression here that what we have said about the Oedipus complex applies with complete strictness to the male child only and that we are right in rejecting the term ‘Electra complex’ which seeks to emphasize the analogy between the attitude of the two sexes. It is only in the male child that we find the fateful combination of love for the one parent and simultaneous hatred for the other as a rival. In his case it is the discovery of the possibility of castration, as proved by the sight of the female genitals, which forces on him the transformation of his Oedipus complex, and which leads to the creation of his super-ego and thus initiates all the processes
that are designed to make the individual find a place in the cultural community. After the paternal agency has been internalized and become a super-ego, the next task is to detach the latter from the figures of whom it was originally the psychical representative. In this remarkable course of development it is precisely the boy’s narcissistic interest in his genitals - his interest in preserving his penis - which is turned round into a curtailing of his infantile sexuality.
我们已经知道，在两性间还有一个区别，与俄狄浦斯情结有关。在此需要说明的是，我们所说的俄狄浦斯情结完全是只针对男孩而言，而且我们已经放弃了意图强调两性间可做类比的“伊莱克特拉情结（恋父情结）”。我们只在男孩身上发现这个命定般的设置，爱着父母中的一方，同时恨着作为竞争对手的另一方。在男孩的情况中，他试探着被阉割的可能，这被看到过的女性阴部所证实，这一探索推动他转化俄狄浦斯情结，然后导向超我的形成，进而启动预设的进程，使得个体在文明社会中寻找到他自己的位置。当父亲的力量内化成为超我之后，下一个任务是将后者与原初的心理表象分开。在这个发展性的重要过程中，男孩对他的生殖器的自恋兴趣——他关注于保护好小鸡鸡——反而削减了他婴儿式的性活动。（？）
One thing that is left over in men from the influence of the Oedipus complex is a certain amount of disparagement in their attitude towards women, whom they regard as being castrated. In extreme cases this gives rise to an inhibition in their choice of object, and, if it is supported by organic factors, to exclusive homosexuality.
在男人那里由俄狄浦斯情结影响遗留下来的是对女性的态度有一定的轻视，他们认为女人是被阉割过的。在极端的案例中，这导致了他们选择客体的限制，并且，如果这是有生理基础的，还会导致纯粹的同性恋关系。
Quite different are the effects of the castration complex in the female. She acknowledges the fact of her castration, and with it, too, the superiority of the male and her own inferiority; but she rebels against this unwelcome state of affairs. From this divided attitude three lines of development open up.
在女性这里，阉割情结的影响很不一样。她承认自己被阉割的事实，以及附带的男性优越感和她自己的劣等性；但她要反抗这一令人讨厌的情况。由这种割裂的态度分化出三条发展路径。
The first leads to a general revulsion from sexuality. The little girl, frightened by the comparison with boys, grows dissatisfied with her clitoris, and gives up her phallic activity and with it her sexuality in general as well as a good part of her masculinity in other fields. The second line leads her to cling with defiant self-assertiveness to her threatened masculinity. To an incredibly late age she clings to the hope of getting a penis some time. That hope becomes her life’s aim; and the phantasy of being a man in spite of everything often persists as a formative factor over long periods. This ‘masculinity complex’ in women can also result in a manifest homosexual choice of object. Only if her development
follows the third, very circuitous, path does she reach the final normal female attitude, in which she takes her father as her object and so finds her way to the feminine form of the Oedipus complex. Thus in women the Oedipus complex is the end-result of a fairly lengthy development. It is not destroyed, but created, by the influence of castration; it escapes the strongly hostile influences which, in the male, have a destructive effect on it, and indeed it is all too often not surmounted by the female at all. For this reason, too, the cultural consequences of its break-up are smaller and of less importance in her.We should probably not be wrong in saying that it is this difference in the reciprocal relation between the Oedipus and the castration complex which gives its special stamp to the character of females as social beings.1
第一个导向我们常说的对性活动的厌恶。一个害怕被男孩比下去的小女孩，变得对她的阴蒂不满，于是放弃使用她的阴茎，并且放弃了性活动，以及其他领域的很大一部分男性气质。第二条路径是她带着挑衅般的自信，执着于那威胁着她的男性气质。直到很大以后她有时还会期望拥有一个阴茎。这个期望成了她生活的目标；无论如何都要成为一个男人的幻想是她长期坚持达成的愿望。女性的“男子气概情结”同样也会导致客体选择上的同性恋倾向。只有女孩走上第三条发展路径，她才能非常迂回地达到最终正常女性的态度，也就是将父亲作为客体，并且找到通往俄狄浦斯情结的女性形式的道路。因此女性的俄狄浦斯情结是一个相当冗长的发展最终结果。它不是通过阉割的影响被摧毁，而是被创造；它避开了男孩那种带有破坏性影响的强烈敌意，但的确女性通常完全没有超越它。也是由于这个原因，阉割情结的瓦解所带来的文化影响，对女性来说小得多，也比较不重要。这么说应该没错，正是俄狄浦斯和阉割情结之间的互相促进关系中，女性与男性的不同，给女性作为社会人打下了女性特质的印记。①
1 It is to be anticipated that men analysts with feminist views, as well as our women analysts, will disagree with what I have said here. They will hardly fail to object that such notions spring from the ‘masculinity complex’ of the male and are designed to justify on theoretical grounds his innate inclination to disparage and suppress women.But this sort of psycho-analytic argumentation reminds us here, as it so often does, of Dostoevsky’s famous ‘knife that cuts both ways’. The opponents of those who argue in this way will on their side think it quite natural that thefemale sex should refuse to accept a view which appears to contradict their eagerly coveted equality with men.The use of analysis as a weapon of controversy can clearly lead to no decision.
注①：可以预见的是，带着女权主义观点的男性分析师，以及我们的女性分析师，会不同意我这里所说的。他们很难接受女性的这些观念是来自于男性的“男子气概情结”，并且这就是用来支撑他们天然倾向于贬低和打压女性的理论基础。但是这种精神分析的争论也提醒了我们陀思妥耶夫斯基所说的“刀往两边割”（knife that cuts both ways）。用这种方式争论的对手，在他们的立场上会理所当然地认为，关于女性的解释应该拒绝接受这样矛盾的观点，即她们迫切地想要和男性一样。把精神分析作为论战的武器显然讨论不出任何结果。
We see, then, that the phase of exclusive attachment to the mother, which may be called the pre- Oedipus phase, possesses a far greater importance in women than it can have in men. Many phenomena of female sexual life which were not properly understood before can be fully explained by reference to this phase. Long ago, for instance, we noticed that many women who have chosen their
husband on the model of their father, or have put him in their father’s place, nevertheless repeat towards him, in their married life, their bad relations with their mother. The husband of such a woman was meant to be the inheritor of her relation to her father, but in reality he became the inheritor of her relation to her mother. This is easily explained as an obvious case of regression. Her relation to her mother was the original one, and her attachment to her father was built up on it, and now, in marriage, the original relation emerges from repression. For the main content of her development to womanhood lay in the carrying over of her affective object attachments from her mother to her father.
那么我们会明白，可称之为“前-俄狄浦斯期”的极度依恋母亲的阶段，相对于男性，对女性来说可能重要得多。许多之前不能理解的女性性活动的现象，现在可以用这个阶段来充分解释。例如，我们很久以前就发现许多女性以父亲为模版选择丈夫，或者把丈夫放到父亲的位置上，不过是为了在婚姻生活中再次接近父亲，以及她们和母亲的关系都很差。这些女性的丈夫本该是她父亲的替代，但是实际上他是替代了母亲。这可以容易地解释为一个明显的退行现象。她与母亲的关系是原初的，她与父亲的依恋关系是建立在这个基础上，然后现在，在婚姻里，原初关系从压抑中浮现出来了。因此她的女性化发展的主要内容，是将她的情感依恋对象从母亲转向父亲。
With many women we have the impression that their years of maturity are occupied by a struggle with their husband, just as their youth was spent in a struggle with their mother. In the light of the previous discussions we shall conclude that their hostile attitude to their mother is not a consequence of the rivalry implicit in the Oedipus complex, but originates from the preceding phase and has merely been reinforced and exploited in the Oedipus situation. And actual analytic examination confirms this view. Our interest must be directed to the mechanisms that are at work in her turning away from the mother who was an object so intensely and exclusively loved. We are prepared to find, not a single factor, but a whole number of them operating together towards the same end.
对很多女性我们有个这样的印象，她们的成年期充斥着和丈夫的斗争，就像她们年轻时和母亲斗争一样。通过之前的讨论，我们可以得出结论，她们对母亲的敌对态度并不是俄狄浦斯情结之下的潜在竞争，而是源于更早的时期，不过是在俄狄浦斯情境中被加强或暴露出来。现在的分析性检查也证实了这个观点。我们的关注点应直接对准她们如何从母亲那里转身离开的机制，而那是一个如此强烈又唯一的爱的客体。我们将要寻找的不是单一因素，而是导向这同样结果的全部因素。
Among these factors are some which are determined by the circumstances of infantile sexuality in general, and so hold good equally for the erotic life of boys. First and foremost we may mention jealousy of other people - of brothers and sisters, rivals, among whom the father too has a place. Childhood love is boundless; it demands exclusive possession, it is not content with less than all. But it has a second characteristic: it has, in point of fact, no aim and is incapable of obtaining complete satisfaction; and principally for that reason it is doomed to end in disappointment and to give place to a hostile attitude. Later on in life the lack of an ultimate satisfaction may favour a different result. This very factor may ensure the uninterrupted continuance of the libidinal cathexis, as happens with loverelations that are inhibited in their aim. But in the stress of the processes of development it regularly happens that the libido abandons its unsatisfying position in order to find a new one.
在这些因素中，一些已确定为幼儿性欲的普遍情况，因此就相当于男孩的性活动。我们说起嫉妒别人最早也最重要的对象是——兄弟姐妹，竞争对手，包括父亲也在其中。童年期的爱是没有边界的；它要求独占，少一点它都不满意。但它还有第二个特质：事实上，它没有目标，也无法获得完全的满足；因此它注定失落，并转为一种敌对态度。之后的生活中，这个全然满足的匮乏可能有助于产生不同的结果。这个情况可保证力比多投注持续不断，比如发展出他们原本的目标里不被允许的亲密关系。但是在个人发展的压力下，它通常表现为，力比多放弃了得不到满足的出口，以找到一个新的。
Another, much more specific motive for turning away from the mother arises from the effect of the castration complex on the creature who is without a penis. At some time or other the little girl makes the discovery of her organic inferiority - earlier and more easily, of course, if there are brothers or other boys about. We have already taken note of the three paths which diverge from this point: (a) the one which leads to a cessation of her whole sexual life, (b) the one which leads to a defiant over-emphasis of her masculinity, and (c) the first steps towards definitive femininity. It is not easy to determine the exact timing here or the typical course of events. Even the point of time when the discovery of castration is made varies, and a number of other factors seem to be inconstant and to depend on chance. The state of the girl’s own phallic activity plays a part; and so too does the question whether this activity was found out or not, and how much interference with it she experienced afterwards.
转身离开母亲的另一个明显动机来源于没有阴茎的女性受到阉割情结的影响。小女孩早晚会发现她生理上的劣势——当然，如果身边有兄弟或其他男孩，就会更早或更容易发现这一点。我们已经阐述过由此分化出的三条路径：(a) 中止她全部的性活动，(b)过度强调她的男子气概，以及(c)走出最终女性化的第一步。很难指出这些确切的时间点，或者发展的典型过程。甚至发现自己被阉割的时间点也各不相同，其他一些因素也是变化无常，随机发生。女孩自己的性活动在这个阶段中起了重要作用，那么问题就是，这些活动是否被揭示出来，以及这多大程度上影响到她之后的进程。
Little girls usually discover for themselves their characteristic phallic activity - masturbation of the clitoris; and to begin with this is no doubt unaccompanied by phantasy. The part played in starting it by nursery hygiene is reflected in the very common phantasy which makes the mother or nurse into a seducer. Whether little girls masturbate less frequently and from the first less energetically than little boys is not certain; quite possibly it is so. Actual seduction, too, is common enough; it is initiated either by other children or by someone in charge of the child who wants to soothe it, or send it to sleep or make it dependent on them. Where seduction intervenes it invariably disturbs the natural course of the developmental processes, and it often leaves behind extensive and lasting consequences.
小女孩通常会自己发现她们的特征性活动——阴蒂自慰；而且刚开始无疑是没有伴随着性幻想的。有些通过幼儿园卫生课学会自慰的情况，这反映了一个常见的幻想，即把妈妈或护士看做诱惑者。我们并不确定是否小女孩自慰不那么频繁，以及是否一开始就不如男孩那么热衷，但很可能是这样的。现实的诱惑也很常见：不是被其他孩子激起，就是被想要哄孩子、让孩子去睡觉或想让孩子依赖自己的照看者激起。诱惑的干扰总是会影响到发展的自然进程，并且经常留下一个泛化且持久的影响。
A prohibition of masturbation, as we have seen, becomes an incentive for giving it up; but it also becomes a motive for rebelling against the person who prohibits it - that is to say, the mother, or the mother-substitute who later regularly merges with her. A defiant persistence in masturbation appears to open the way to masculinity. Even where the girl has not succeeded in suppressing her masturbation, the effect of the apparently vain prohibition is seen in her later efforts to free herself at all costs from a satisfaction which has been spoilt for her. When she reaches maturity her objectchoice may still be influenced by this persisting purpose. Her resentment at being prevented from free sexual activity plays a big part in her detachment from her mother. The same motive comes into operation again after puberty, when her mother takes up her duty of guarding her daughter’s chastity. We shall, of course, not forget that the mother is similarly opposed to a boy’s masturbating and thus provides him, too, with a strong motive for rebellion.
如我们所见，禁止自慰是一个放弃它的理由；但这也成了一个反抗那些发出禁令的人的动机——就是指母亲，或日后常常与自己融合在一起的替代母亲。叛逆地执着于自慰似乎打开了男性气质的通路。甚至那些没有能够克制自慰的女孩，这一看似徒劳的禁令的影响还是会显现出来，以后她会努力让自己免于过度纵欲的满足。当她达到性成熟，她的客体选择可能仍然受这种持续的意图所影响。被阻止获得自由的性活动的怨恨，对女孩和母亲的分离起到很大一部分作用。在青春期后，当母亲履行职责捍卫女儿的贞洁，同样的动力再一次发挥作用。当然，我们应该也不要忘了，母亲同样反对男孩手淫，因此也对男孩的叛逆提供了强大的动力。
When the little girl discovers her own deficiency, from seeing a male genital, it is only with hesitation and reluctance that she accepts the unwelcome knowledge. As we have seen, she clings obstinately to the expectation of one day having a genital of the same kind too, and her wish for it survives long after her hope has expired. The child invariably regards castration in the first instance as a misfortune peculiar to herself; only later does she realize that it extends to certain other children and lastly to certain grown-ups. When she comes to understand the general nature of this characteristic, it follows that femaleness - and with it, of course, her mother - suffers a great depreciation in her eyes.
当小女孩由于看到了男性生殖器而发现到自己的缺陷，她只能带着犹豫和勉强接受这一令人不快的认知。如我们所见，她固执地抱着一个期望，有一天自己也可以拥有那样的生殖器，并且直到希望破灭后仍然存在了很长一段时间。孩子总是把阉割看做不幸唯独发生在她身上的第一个证据；只是后来她才意识到，这件事也发生在其他孩子身上，并且必然伴随一生。当她开始理解这个特质是普遍自然存在的，女性特质也随之而来——当然，在她眼中，母亲也因此受到了极大的贬损。
This account of how girls respond to the impression of castration and the prohibition against masturbation will very probably strike the reader as confused and contradictory. This is not entirely the author’s fault. In truth, it is hardly possible to give a description which has general validity. We find the most different reactions in different individuals, and in the same individual the contrary attitudes exist side by side. With the first intervention of the prohibition, the conflict is there, and from now on it will accompany the development of the sexual function. Insight into what takes place is made particularly difficult by the fact of its being so hard to distinguish the mental processes of this first phase from later ones by which they are overlaid and are distorted in memory. Thus, for instance, a girl may later construe the fact of castration as a punishment for her masturbatory activity, and she will attribute the carrying out of this punishment to her father, but neither of these ideas can have been a primary one. Similarly, boys regularly fear castration from their father, although in their case, too, the threat most usually comes from their mother.
关于女孩如何应对阉割现象以及禁止自慰的解释，很可能令读者感到困惑和矛盾。这不完全是作者的错。实际上，几乎不可能给出一个普遍适用的描述。我们发现在不同个体身上有着最不同的反应，而在同一个体又有着截然相反的态度并列存在。当禁令第一次介入时，冲突就存在了，于是这个冲突开始伴随着性功能的发展。要探究这里发生了什么是特别困难的，因为很难从整个发展过程的记忆中区分出被覆盖和扭曲的最初阶段。因此，比如女孩以后可能将阉割的事实解释为对自慰行为的惩罚，并且把这个惩罚的结果归咎为父亲，但这两个观念都不能算是最原初的观念。同样地，男孩常常恐惧来自父亲的阉割，虽然在他们的情境中也一样，这个威胁最通常是来源于母亲。
However this may be, at the end of this first phase of attachment to the mother, there emerges, as the girl’s strongest motive for turning away from her, the reproach that her mother did not give her a proper penis - that is to say, brought her into the world as a female. A second reproach, which does not reach quite so far back, is rather a surprising one. It is that her mother did not give her enough
milk, did not suckle her long enough. Under the conditions of modern civilization this may be true often enough, but certainly not so often as is asserted in analyses. It would seem rather that this accusation gives expression to the general dissatisfaction of children, who, in our monogamous civilization, are
weaned from the breast after six or nine months, whereas the primitive mother devotes herself exclusively to her child for two or three years. It is as though our children had remained for ever unsated, as though they had never sucked long enough at their mother’s breast. But I am not sure whether, if one analysed children who had been suckled as long as the children of primitive peoples, one would not come upon the same complaint. Such is the greed of a child’s libido!
总之，在最初依恋母亲阶段的末尾，女孩转身离开母亲的强烈动机开始形成，也就是责备母亲没有给她一个阴茎——也就是说，将她作为一个女性带到这个世界上。第二个指责没有这么强烈，却很令人惊讶。是指责备母亲没有给她足够的奶水，没有给她足够长的哺乳时间。在现代文明的环境下，经常确实如此，但也肯定没有如分析中所宣称的那么普遍。看起来实际上是说，这些责备让我们觉得儿童有普遍的不满足，在我们一夫一妻制文明中，6-9个月后就开始断奶，而原始社会的母亲会专心投入照顾孩子2-3年。似乎我们的孩子一直没有被满足过，好像他们从未在母亲的乳房上吮吸够。但我不确定，如果有人分析过像原始社会的儿童那样吃够了奶的孩子，是否也会遇到同样的埋怨。这就是儿童力比多的贪婪啊！
When we survey the whole range of motives for turning away from the mother which analysis brings to light - that she failed to provide the little girl with the only proper genital, that she did not feed her sufficiently, that she compelled her to share her mother’s love with others, that she never fulfilled all the girl’s expectations of love, and, finally, that she first aroused her sexual activity and then forbade it - all these motives seem nevertheless insufficient to justify the girl’s final hostility. Some of them follow inevitably from the nature of infantile sexuality; others appear like rationalizations devised later to account for the uncomprehended change in feeling. Perhaps the real fact is that the attachment to the mother is bound to perish, precisely because it was the first and was so intense; just as one can often see happen in the first marriages of young women which they have entered into when they were most passionately in love. In both situations the attitude of love probably comes to grief from the disappointments that are unavoidable and from the accumulation of occasions for aggression. As a rule, second marriages turn out much better.
当我们研究分析中所揭露出的离开母亲的全部动机——母亲没有给小女孩唯一正确的性器官，她没有给她足够的喂养，她强迫她和其他孩子共享母爱，她从未满足小女孩全部的爱的期待，并且最终，她唤起了女孩的性活动却又禁止——所有这些理由似乎并不足以支持女孩最终的敌对态度。其中一些遵循幼儿性欲的本质，不可避免地出现；另一些似乎是对之后那些感觉上的不可理解的转变，所做的合理化解释。也许真正的事实是，对母亲的依恋注定要消亡，就是因为它是第一次而且如此强烈的感情；就像我们在年轻女性的第一次婚姻中经常会看到的，她们会带着极大爱的热情投入其中。这两种情况中，由于不可避免的失落，以及不断积累怨恨的理由，对爱的态度都很可能走到一个悲伤的结果。根据规律，第二次婚姻总是好得多。
We cannot go so far as to assert that the ambivalence of emotional cathexes is a universally valid law, and that it is absolutely impossible to feel great love for a person without its being accompanied by a hatred that is perhaps equally great, or vice versa. Normal adults do undoubtedly succeed in separating those two attitudes from each other, and do not find themselves obliged to hate their loveobjects and to love their enemy as well as hate him. But this seems to be the result of later developments. In the first phases of erotic life, ambivalence is evidently the rule. Many people retain this archaic trait all through their lives. It is characteristic of obsessional neurotics that in their objectrelationships love and hate counterbalance each other. In primitive races, too, we may say that
ambivalence predominates. We shall conclude, then, that the little girl’s intense attachment to her mother is strongly ambivalent, and that it is in consequence precisely of this ambivalence that (with the assistance of the other factors we have adduced) her attachment is forced away from her mother - once again, that is to say, in consequence of a general characteristic of infantile sexuality.
我们还不能够断言说，情感贯注的摇摆不定是一个普遍适用的规律，也就是说，如果一个人没有伴随着同样强烈的恨，他也绝对不可能感受到强烈的爱，反之亦然。正常成年人毫无疑问地已经能够成功区分开这两种态度，并不会强迫自己去恨他们爱的客体，或者爱他们的敌人。但这似乎是之后发展的结果。而在爱欲的第一个阶段，摇摆不定才是主导规律。许多人终其一生保持着这种原始的特质。这是强迫性神经症的特质，是他们客体关系中爱与恨的互相平衡。在原始竞争中，我们也可以说是矛盾性占主导。于是，我们可以得出结论，小女孩对母亲的强烈依恋是非常矛盾的，确切说是这种矛盾情感（也包括我们所举例的其他因素共同作用）驱使小女孩背离母亲——再概括说，是出于幼儿性欲的普遍特征。
The explanation I have attempted to give is at once met by a question: ‘How is it, then, that boys are able to keep intact their attachment to their mother, which is certainly no less strong than that of girls?’ The answer comes equally promptly: ‘Because boys are able to deal with their ambivalent feelings towards their mother by directing all their hostility on to their father.’ But, in the first place, we ought not to make this reply until we have made a close study of the pre-Oedipus phase in boys, and, in the second place, it is probably more prudent in general to admit that we have as yet no clear understanding of these processes, with which we have only just become acquainted.
我试图给出的解释是，如果遇到这样的问题：“男孩怎么可以原封不动地保留对母亲的依恋，而且这种依恋绝对不比女孩少？”我们可以马上回答：“因为男孩可以通过把他们的敌意指向父亲，来处理对母亲的矛盾情感。”但是，首先，在我们还没深入研究男孩的前俄狄浦斯期前，我们不应该这么说，其次，承认我们尚未清楚了解这些过程，我们才刚开始知道一点，这样是比较谨慎的。
III
A further question arises: ‘What does the little girl require of her mother? What is the nature of her sexual aims during the time of exclusive attachment to her mother?’ The answer we obtain from the analytic material is just what we should expect. The girl’s sexual aims in regard to her mother are active as well as passive and are determined by the libidinal phases though which the child passes. Here the relation of activity to passivity is especially interesting. It can easily be observed that in every field of mental experience, not merely that of sexuality, when a child receives a passive impression it has a tendency to produce an active reaction. It tries to do itself what has just been done to it. This is part of the work imposed on it of mastering the external world and can even lead to its endeavouring to repeat an impression which it would have reason to avoid on account of its distressing content. Children’s play, too, is made to serve this purpose of supplementing a passive experience with an active piece of behaviour and of thus, as it were, annulling it. When a doctor has opened a child’s mouth, in spite of his resistance, to look down his throat, the same child, after the doctor has gone, will play at being the doctor himself, and will repeat the assault upon some small brother or sister who is as helpless in his hands as he was in the doctor’s. Here we have an unmistakable revolt against passivity and a preference for the active role. This swing-over from passivity to activity does not take place with the same regularity or vigour in all children; in some it may not occur at all. A child’s behaviour in this respect may enable us to draw conclusions as to the relative strength of the masculinity and femininity that it will exhibit in its sexuality.
III
更深层的问题来了：“小女孩对母亲的要求是什么？在独占依恋着母亲的时期，她性目标的本质是什么？”从分析材料中获得的答案正是我们可以预料的。女孩指向母亲的性目标，既是主动的，也是被动的，并且由儿童所处的性欲阶段（libidinal phases）所决定。这里主动性和被动性的关系特别有意思。很容易观察到，在每一种心理体验中，不仅是性方面，当一个儿童接收到一个被动的感觉，就会有一个产生主动反应的倾向。它会试图重复刚才接收到的刺激。这是为了掌握外部世界而强加给自己的任务，并且甚至会表现为重复某一刺激的努力，而基于它令人痛苦的性质，本来是理应回避的。儿童的玩耍也是服务于同样的目的，用积极的行为来重复消极的体验，并且因此能够消除被动的感觉。当医生不顾儿童的抵抗，撬开他的嘴巴检查他的喉咙，等医生走了以后，这个孩子会玩扮演自己是医生的游戏，同样地对待弟弟妹妹，他们在他手下很无助，就像之前他在医生那里一样。这里我们明确无误地看到一个反抗被动性，并且倾向于主动的规律。这种从被动向主动的摆荡并不是以同样的频率或强度发生在所有孩子身上；在一些孩子身上可能完全没有。儿童的这种表现可以让我们关于表现在性活动上的男性气质和女性气质的相对强度得出结论。
The first sexual and sexually coloured experiences which a child has in relation to its mother are naturally of a passive character. It is suckled, fed, cleaned, and dressed by her, and taught to perform all its functions. A part of its libido goes on clinging to those experiences and enjoys the satisfactions bound up with them; but another part strives to turn them into activity. In the first place, being suckled at the breast gives place to active sucking. As regards the other experiences the child contents itself either with becoming self-sufficient - that is, with itself successfully carrying out what had hitherto been done for it - or with repeating its passive experiences in an active form in play; or else it actually makes its mother into the object and behaves as the active subject towards her. For a long time I was unable to credit this last behaviour, which takes place in the field of real action, until my observations removed all doubts on the matter.
在婴儿和母亲的关系中，最初的性欲和带有性色彩的体验，本质上有被动的特质。它被母亲哺乳、喂养、擦洗以及打扮，并且被教会做所有这些动作。它的一部分力比多贯注于这些体验中，并且享受随之而来的满足感；但另一部分努力转向主动性。在最初的情况下，被放在乳房上哺乳提供了婴儿主动吮吸的机会。至于另外的情况，婴儿满足自己的方式，要么是通过变得自给自足——也就是成功地做到自己来完成那些事——要么就是在游戏中以一种主动的形式来重复这些被动的体验；又或者它真正地让母亲成为客体，而自己表现为主动的主体。很长一段时间以来，直到我的临床观察扫除了所有的怀疑，我才相信最后那种在现实行为层面上发生的表现。
We seldom hear of a little girl’s wanting to wash or dress her mother, or tell her to perform her excretory functions. Sometimes, it is true, she says: ‘Now let’s play that I’m the mother and you’re the child’; but generally she fulfils these active wishes in an indirect way, in her play with her doll, in which she represents the mother and the doll the child. The fondness girls have for playing with dolls, in contrast to boys, is commonly regarded as a sign of early awakened femininity. Not unjustly so; but we must not overlook the fact that what finds expression here is the active side of femininity, and that the little girl’s preference for dolls is probably evidence of the exclusiveness of her attachment to her mother, with complete neglect of her father-object.
我们很少听说哪个小女孩会想要给妈妈洗澡或帮她穿衣服，或者教妈妈如何排便。但实际上，有时她会说：“现在我们玩一个游戏，我是妈妈，你是孩子”；但是通常她不通过直接的方式来实现这些主动的愿望，而是通过和布娃娃玩，她扮演妈妈，布娃娃是孩子。与男孩相反，女孩钟爱于玩娃娃，这一般被看做早期女性气质萌芽的标志。这么说并非不公正，但是我们不能忽视一个事实，女性气质中主动的方面在这里得以表达，并且小女孩偏爱布娃娃很可能是对母亲独占欲的证明，她完全忽略她的父亲客体。
The very surprising sexual activity of little girls in relation to their mother is manifested chronologically in oral, sadistic, and finally even in phallic trends directed towards her. It is difficult to give a detailed account of these because they are often obscure instinctual impulses which it was impossible for the child to grasp psychically at the time of their occurrence, which were therefore only
interpreted by her later, and which then appear in the analysis in forms of expression that were certainly not the original ones. Sometimes we come across them as transferences on to the later, father-object, where they do not belong and where they seriously interfere with our understanding of the situation. We find the little girl’s aggressive oral and sadistic wishes in a form forced on them by early repression, as a fear of being killed by her mother - a fear which, in turn, justifies her death-wish against her mother, if that becomes conscious. It is impossible to say how often this fear of the mother is supported by an unconscious hostility on the mother’s part which is sensed by the girl. (Hitherto, it is only in men that I have found the fear of being eaten up. This fear is referred to the father, but it is probably the product of a transformation of oral aggressivity directed to the mother. The child wants to eat up its mother from whom it has had its nourishment; in the case of the father there is no such obvious determinant for the wish.)
小女孩与母亲有关的性活动，按发展顺序依次表现在口唇的、施虐的，最后甚至是指向母亲的阴茎。很难给出具体的理由，因为它们经常是隐晦的本能冲动，以至于儿童不可能在它们发生时就马上能头脑上意识到，因此只能由她以后再来解释，于是发生在分析中的肯定已经不是原初那样的表达形式了。有时我们从对后来的、父亲客体的移情中发现这些性活动，但它们并不源于此，而且严重误导了我们对情境的理解。我们发现小女孩口欲的攻击性和施虐愿望，由于早年的压抑，以某种形式驱使着她们，表现为一种害怕被母亲杀掉的恐惧——这种恐惧又转而成为她自己已被毁灭的证据——当这些压抑的内容意识化，我们会发现这种反抗母亲的愿望。我们不可能讲清楚，女孩感知到这种对母亲的恐惧，有多大几率是源于对母亲的无意识敌意。（至今为止，我只在男性那里发现被吞噬的恐惧。这种恐惧是指向父亲的，但很可能这也是针对母亲的口欲攻击性的转移结果。幼儿想要吃掉给他提供营养的母亲，至于父亲，对于这个愿望并没有如此明显的决定性。）
The women patients showing a strong attachment to their mother in whom I have been able to study the pre-Oedipus phase have all told me that when their mother gave them enemas or rectal douches they used to offer the greatest resistance and react with fear and screams of rage. This behaviour may be very frequent or even the habitual thing in children. I only came to understand the reason for such a specially violent opposition from a remark made by Ruth Mack Brunswick, who was studying these problems at the same time as I was, to the effect that she was inclined to compare the outbreak of anger after an enema to the orgasm following genital excitation. The accompanying anxiety should, she thought, be construed as a transformation of the desire for aggression which had been stirred up. I believe that this is really so and that, at the sadistic-anal level, the intense passive stimulation of the intestinal zone is responded to by an outbreak of desire for aggression which is manifested either directly as rage, or, in consequence of its suppression, as anxiety. In later years this reaction seems to die away.
我从那些对母亲表现出强烈依恋的女病人那里研究前俄狄浦斯期，我发现，当她们的母亲对她们进行灌肠时，她们通常会强烈抵抗，并且发出恐惧愤怒的尖叫。这种表现也许是非常频繁的，甚至在儿童身上是常有的事情。Ruth Mack Brunswick和我一样同时也在研究这些问题，她想要将灌肠之后的愤怒爆发，和生殖器兴奋之后的性高潮做比较，通过她的一个评论，我才开始理解这种特别粗暴反抗的原因。她认为，伴随其中的焦虑，应该解释为激起了对攻击的渴望之后的转化形式。我认为确实如此，并且在施虐-肛欲水平上，肠道区域里强烈的被动的刺激会引起渴望攻击的爆发，这要么直接表现为愤怒，或者表现为抑制的结果，如焦虑。但在后几年这种反应似乎消失了。
In regard to the passive impulses of the phallic phase, it is noteworthy that girls regularly accuse their mother of seducing them. This is because they necessarily received their first, or at any rate their strongest, genital sensations when they were being cleaned and having their toilet attended to by their mother (or by someone such as a nurse who took her place). Mothers have often told me, as a matter of observation, that their little daughters of two and three years old enjoy these sensations and try to get their mothers to make them more intense by repeated touching and rubbing. The fact that the mother thus unavoidably initiates the child into the phallic phase is, I think, the reason why, in phantasies of later years, the father so regularly appears as the sexual seducer. When the girl turns away from her mother, she also makes over to her father her introduction into sexual life.
说到生殖器期的被动性冲动，值得注意的是，女孩常常指控母亲诱惑她们。这是因为在母亲（或照料者，如护士）照料她们洗澡和大小便时，她们必然地会接收到最初的，或多少会有生殖器的强烈感觉。母亲们经常告诉我这样一些观察材料，她们2、3岁的女儿很享受这些感觉，而且会让妈妈重复触摸摩擦来让感觉更强烈。于是母亲不可避免地将孩子引入生殖器期，我认为这一点正是在后几年的幻想中父亲经常作为诱惑者出现的原因。当女孩背离母亲，她也将引导自己进入性生活（这事）转交给了父亲。
Lastly, intense active wishful impulses directed towards the mother also arise during the phallic phase. The sexual activity of this period culminates in clitoridal masturbation. This is probably accompanied by ideas of the mother, but whether the child attaches a sexual aim to the idea, and what that aim is, I have not been able to discover from my observations. It is only when all her
interests have received a fresh impetus through the arrival of a baby brother or sister that we can clearly recognize such an aim. The little girl wants to believe that she has given her mother the new baby, just as the boy wants to; and her reaction to this event and her behaviour to the baby is exactly the same as his. No doubt this sounds quite absurd, but perhaps that is only because it sounds so
unfamiliar.
最后，在生殖器期阶段，直接指向母亲的热烈的带着主动意愿的冲动也升起了。这个阶段的性活动在阴蒂手淫中达到了顶峰。这可能伴随着对母亲的想象，但这是否带有性的目的，或目的是什么，我尚未从我的观察中发现。只有当她全部的兴趣由于小弟弟或小妹妹的到来而获得新的动力，我们才能清楚地认识到这个目的。小女孩想要相信，是她给了母亲一个婴儿，就像男孩那样；并且她对此的反应和对待婴儿的表现也像男孩一样。无疑这听上去很荒谬，但可能只是因为听上去很陌生。
The turning-away from her mother is an extremely important step in the course of a little girl’s development. It is more than a mere change of object. We have already described what takes place in it and the many motives put forward for it; we may now add that hand in hand with it there is to be observed a marked lowering of the active sexual impulses and a rise of the passive ones. It is true that the active trends have been affected by frustration more strongly; they have proved totally unrealizable and are therefore abandoned by the libido more readily. But the passive trends have not escaped disappointment either. With the turning-away from the mother clitoridal masturbation frequently ceases as well; and often enough when the small girl represses her previous masculinity a considerable portion of her sexual trends in general is permanently injured too. The transition to the father-object is accomplished with the help of the passive trends in so far as they have escaped the catastrophe. The path to the development of femininity now lies open to the girl, to the extent to which it is not restricted by the remains of the pre-Oedipus attachment to her mother which she has surmounted.
背离母亲在小女孩的发展过程中是非常重要的一步。这不只是换个客体而已。我们已经阐述了其中发生的情况以及推动它的诸多动力；现在我们可以补充与之密切相关的一点，我们会观察到主动的性冲动有个明显的降低，而被动性有所升高。事实上，主动的性倾向受挫折的影响更大；它被证明是完全不现实的，因此力比多很容易抛弃这个贯注的渠道。但是被动的性倾向也没有逃脱失望的结局。在背离母亲，频繁阴蒂手淫的案例中也是同样；并且经常是，当小女孩压抑她的性倾向中先前的男性气质到一般可接受的程度，主动的性倾向也永久地被伤害了。完成转向父亲客体，非常大地得益于被动的性倾向，因为这样她们可以逃开受挫的冲击。现在，向女性特质发展的路径在女孩面前展开，由此女孩不再受遗留的前俄狄浦斯期对母亲的依恋限制，她已克服了这个阶段。
If we now survey the stage of sexual development in the female which I have been describing, we cannot resist coming to a definite conclusion about female sexuality as a whole. We have found the same libidinal forces at work in it as in the male child and we have been able to convince ourselves that for a period of time these forces follow the same course and have the same outcome in each.
如果我们现在要研究我已描述过的女性性欲发展的各个阶段，整体来看，我们必然会得出关于女性性欲的明确结论。我们已经发现，其中起作用的力比多动力和男孩是一样的，并且我们也已承认，很长一个阶段里，这些动力遵循着同样的过程，有着同样的出口。
Biological factors subsequently deflect those libidinal forces from their original aims and conduct even active and in every sense masculine trends into feminine channels. Since we cannot dismiss the notion that sexual excitation is derived from the operation of certain chemical substances, it seems plausible at first to expect that biochemistry will one day disclose a substance to us whose presence
produces a male sexual excitation and another substance which produces a female one. But this hope seems no less naïve than the other one - happily obsolete to-day - that it may be possible under the microscope to isolate the different exciting factors of hysteria, obsessional neurosis, melancholia, and
so on.
随后，生物学因素使这些力比多动力偏离它们原初的目标，并且甚至将主动的、非常男性化的倾向，导入女性的渠道。基于我们无法反驳性兴奋是衍生于特定化学物质的作用，最初我们期待将来有一天，生物化学会向我们揭示出，是哪些物质制造了男性的性兴奋，又是哪些物质制造了女性性兴奋，这似乎是合理的。但是这一期望比另一个更天真——如今已经过时的观点——也就是，有可能在显微镜下分离出不同的兴奋因素，如癔症、强迫性神经症、抑郁症等等。
Even in sexual chemistry things must be rather more complicated. For psychology, however, it is a matter of indifference whether there is a single sexually exciting substance in the body or two or countless numbers of them. Psycho-analysis teaches us to manage with a single libido, which, it is true, has both active and passive aims (that is, modes of satisfaction). This antithesis and, above all, the existence of libidinal trends with passive aims, contains within itself the remainder of our problem.
在性的化学方面肯定要更复杂。但对心理学来说，身体里存在一种还是两种，或者无数种性兴奋物质，都无所谓。精神分析让我们用力比多来处理问题，它有主动和被动的两种目标（也就是获得满足的形式）。这一对偶关系中，尤其是被动目标的力比多倾向的存在，它本身包含着我们的遗留问题的答案。
IV
An examination of the analytic literature on the subject shows that everything that has been said by me here is already to be found in it. It would have been superfluous to publish this paper if it were not that in a field of research which is so difficult of access every account of first-hand experiences or personal views may be of value. Moreover, there are a number of points which I have defined more sharply and isolated more carefully. In some of the other papers on the subject the description is obscured because they deal at the same time with the problems of the super-ego and the sense of guilt. This I have avoided doing. Also, in describing the various outcomes of this phase of development, I have refrained from discussing the complications which arise when a child, as a result
of disappointment from her father, returns to the attachment to her mother which she had abandoned, or when, in the course of her life, she repeatedly changes over from one position to the other. But precisely because my paper is only one contribution among others, I may be spared an exhaustive survey of the literature, and I can confine myself to bringing out the more important points on which I agree or disagree with these other writings.
IV
审视关于这个主题的分析文献作品会发现，我说的每件事都已经写在里面了。要不是这个研究领域如此难以获得那些一手材料或有价值的个人观点，发表这篇文章简直是多余的。此外，其中还有很多地方，经由我做了精准的定义和谨慎的区分。在关于这个主题的其他文章中，阐述得很模糊，因为他们在同时还要处理超我的问题，以及自己的罪恶感。而我避免了这个情况。另外，在描述这个发展阶段的不同结果时，我克制着没有去讨论另一个发展结果，比如一个女孩对父亲失望，结果又返回到对母亲的依恋中，而母亲之前已经抛弃了她，又或者，在她的生命历程中，她反复地从一个位置转向另一个位置。但是准确地讲，我的文章只是众多阐述中的一个，那么我可以不用彻底研究那些文献，只是从我自己出发拿出一些更重要的观点，关于那些我对其他文章中同意或不同意的地方。
Abraham’s (1921) description of the manifestations of the castration complex in the female is still unsurpassed; but one would be glad if it had included the factor of the girl’s original exclusive attachment to her mother. I am in agreement with the principal points in Jeanne Lampl-de Groot’s1 (1927) important paper. In this the complete identity of the pre-Oedipus phase in boys and girls is recognized, and the girl’s sexual (phallic) activity towards her mother is affirmed and substantiated by observations. The turning-away from the mother is traced to the influence of the girl’s recognition of castration, which obliges her to give up her sexual object, and often masturbation along with it. The whole development is summed up in the formula that the girl goes through a phase of the ‘negative’ Oedipus complex before she can enter the positive one. A point on which I find the writer’s account inadequate is that it represents the turning-away from the mother as being merely a change of object and does not discuss the fact that it is accompanied by the plainest manifestations of hostility. To this hostility full justice is done in Helene Deutsch’s latest paper, on feminine masochism and its relation to frigidity (1930), in which she also recognizes the girl’s phallic activity and the intensity of her attachment to her mother. Helene Deutsch states further that the girl’s turning towards her father takes place via her passive trends (which have already been awakened in relation to her mother). In her earlier book (1925) the author had not yet set herself free from the endeavour to apply the Oedipus pattern to the pre-Oedipus phase, and she therefore interpreted the little girl’s phallic activity as an identification with her father.
Abraham（1921）对女性阉割情结表现的阐述仍然是无法超越的；但是如果其中包括女孩对母亲原初独占的依恋这个因素，就更令人欣喜了。Jeanne Lampl-de Groot（1927）的重要文章中的核心观点与我一致。其中她辨识出男孩和女孩的前俄狄浦斯期的完整定义，并且女孩指向母亲的性（阴茎）活动已经在观察中得到确认和验证。女孩背离母亲可以归结为女孩意识到阉割后的影响，这迫使她放弃她的性客体，通常男性气质也随之而去。整个发展过程总结起来即是，在女孩进入正性的俄狄浦斯期前，要先经过一个“反抗”的俄狄浦斯情结时期。我发现这位作者的一个不足之处在于，文中表述女孩背离母亲只是更换了客体，并没有讨论到一个事实是，这也伴随着最直白的敌对表现。对这种敌意，在Helene Deutsch最近一篇文章中，在关于女性受虐性和性冷淡的关系（1930）上做了充分评论，文中她也提出了女孩的阴茎活动以及对母亲依恋的强度。Helene Deutsch进一步阐述了女孩转向父亲，是发生在她的被动倾向（在和母亲的关系中被唤醒）的基础上。在她之前的一本书中（1925），作者还执着于将俄狄浦斯期的模式应用在前俄狄浦斯期，因此她将小女孩的阴茎活动解释为对父亲的认同。
Fenichel (1930) rightly emphasizes the difficulty of recognizing in the material produced in analysis what parts of it represent the unchanged content of the pre-Oedipus phase and what parts have been distorted by regression (or www.psychspace.com心理学空间网
