NEW DIRECTIONS
Currently, attachment theory and research are moving forward along several major fronts, inspired by the second and third volumes of Bowlby’s attachment trilogy, by methodological advances, and by the infusion into attachment theory of complementary theoretical perspectives.
Attachment and Representation
As a result of Mary Main’s Berkeley study (Main, Kaplan, & Cassidy, 1985) and, I think, thepublication of the Society for Research in Child Development Monograph, Growing Points of Attachment Theory and Research (Bretherton & Waters, 1985), we are now beginning to empirically explore the psychological, internal, or representational aspects of attachment, including the intergenerational transmission of attachment patterns that had been at the center of Bowlby’s interests since his beginnings in psychiatry but that are most clearly elaborated in volumes 2 and 3 of the attachment trilogy (see Bretherton, 1987, 1990, 1991).
Interestingly, an additional source of inspiration for the study of internal working models came from attempts to translate Ainsworth’s infant- mother attachment patterns into corresponding adult patterns. in the Adult Attachment Interview (George, Kaplan, & Main, 1984; Main & Goldwyn, in press), parents were asked open-ended questions about their attachment relations in childhood and about the influence of these early relations on their own development. Three distinct patterns of responding were identified: Autonomous-secure parents gave a clear and coherent account of early attachments (whether these had been satisfying or not); preoccupied parents spoke of many conflicted childhood memories about attachment but did not draw them together into an organized, consistent picture; and, finally, dismissing parents were characterized by an inability to remember much about attachment relations in childhood. In some of the dismissing interviews, parents’ parents were idealized on a general level, hut influences of early attachment experiences on later development were denied. Specific memories, when they did occur, suggested episodes of rejection.
Not only did the Adult Attachment Interview classifications correspond to Ainsworth’s secure, ambivalent, and avoidant infant patterns at a conceptual level, but adult patterns were also empirically correlated with infant patterns (e.g., a dismissing parent tended to have an avoidant infant; Main & Goldwyn, in press). These findings have since been validated for prenatally administered interviews by Fonagy, Steele, and Steele (1991) and by Ward et al. (1990). Consonant findings were also obtained in a study of young adults in which Adult Attachment Interview classifications were correlated with peer reports (Kobak & Sceery, 1988).
In addition, representational measures of attachment have been devised for use with children. A pictorial separation anxiety test for adolescents, developed by Hansburg (1972), wasadapted for younger children by Klagsbrun and Bowlby (1976) and more recently revised and validated against observed attachment patterns by Kaplan (1984) and Slough and Greenberg (1991) Likewise, attachment-based doll story completion tasks for preschoolers were validated against behavioral measures by Bretherton, Ridgeway, and Cassidy (1990) and Cassidy (1988). In these tests, emotionally open responding tended to be associated with secure attachment classifications or related behaviors.
Finally, several authors have created interviews that examine attachment from the parental as opposed to the filial perspective (e.g., Bretherton, Biringen, Ridgeway, Maslin, & Sherman, 1989; George & Solomon, 1989). In addition, Waters and Q-sort that can be used to assess a mother’s internal working models of her child’s attachment to her.
Attachment Across the Life Span
A related topic, attachment relationships between adults, began in the early 1970s, with studies of adult bereavement (Bowlby & Parkes, 1970; Parkes, 1972) and marital separation (Weiss, 1973, 1977). More recently, interest in adult attachments has broadened to encompass marital relationships (Weiss, 1982, 1991) and has taken a further upsurge with work by Shaver and Hazan (1988), who translated Ainsworth’s infant attachment patterns into adult patterns, pointing out that adults who describe themselves as secure, avoidant, or ambivalent with respect to romantic relationships report differing patterns of parent-child relationships in their families of origin. Finally, Cicirelli (1989, 1991) has applied attachment theory to the study of middle-aged siblings and their elderly parents. Much future work will be needed to delineate more fully the distinct qualities of child-adult, child-child, and adult-adult attachment relationships (see Ainsworth, 1989), as well as their interplay within the family system, a task begun by Byng-Hall (1985) and Marvin and Stewart (1990),
Attachment and Developmental Psychopathology
Attachment theory and research are also making a notable impact on the emerging field of developmental psychopathology (Sroufe, 1988), with longitudinal attachment-based studies of families with depression (Radke-Yarrow, Cummings, Kuczinsky, & Chapman, 1985), of families with maltreatment (e.g., Cicchetti & Barnett, 1991; Crittenden, 1983; Schneider-Rosen, Braunwald, Carlson, & Cicchetti, 1985), and of clinical interventions in families with low social support(Lieberman & Pawl, 1988; Spieker & Booth, 1988) and with behavior-problem children (Greenberg & Speltz, 1988). Much of this work is represented in a volume on clinical implications of attachment (Belsky & Nezworski, 1988). These topics hark back to Bowlby’s seminal ideas from the 1930s, but they have been greatly enriched by Mary Ainsworth’s notions on the origins of individual differences of attachment patterns.
The Ecology of Attachment
Although we have made progress in examining mother-child attachment, much work needs to he done with respect to studying attachment in the microsystem of family relationships (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). Despite studies by Belsky, Gilstrap, and Rovine (1984), Lamb (1978), and Parke and Tinsley (1987) that show fathers to be competent, if sometimes less than fully participant attachment figures, we still have much to learn regarding father attachment. Another important topic, sibling attachment, has been tackled by a few researchers (e.g., Stewart & Marvin, 1984; Teti & Ablard, 1989), but triadic studies of attachment relationships (modeled on Dunn, 1988) are sorely lacking. Especially crucial are attachment-theoretic studies of loyalty conflicts, alliances by a dyad vis-a-vis a third family member, and enmeshment of a child in the spousal dyad, as exemplified in a report by Fish, Belsky, and Youngblade (1991) in which insecure attachment in infancy was associated with inappropriate involvement in spousal decisionmaking at 4 years of age. Finally, the interrelations of child temperament and developing attachment relationships with other family members remain conceptually unclear despite intensive research efforts (Belsky & Rovine, 1987; Sroufe, 1985).