竞争的父母崩溃或死亡对俄狄浦斯胜利的影响
Harwant Gill 文
mints 编译(一校稿)
Gill H. S. (1987). Effects of oedipal triumph caused by collapse or death of the rival parent. The International journal of psycho-analysis, 68 ( Pt 2), 251–260.
弗洛伊德在1897年的自我分析中发现了他对母亲的爱和对父亲的嫉妒(Freud,1897)。弗洛伊德后来将这种以父母为中心的无意识情感簇命名为“俄狄浦斯情结(Oedipus complex)”(Freud,1910)。从那时起,俄狄浦斯情结理论关注的重点大都是孩子的本能驱动力,对于环境对内在心灵的俄狄浦斯冲突的发展及其解决之贡献的关注相对较少。这种批评最早是由马林诺夫斯基(1927)提出的。他提出的反对意见认为,在某些文明中不会发现俄狄浦斯情结。
The present paper is limited to the Western culture, and assumes that the oedipal triangularity necessarily invests the two parents with power to influence the course of oedipal development and its resolution. It is intended to illustrate the hitherto little discussed effect of oedipal triumph, following the collapse or death of the rival parent. At first, it reviews some of the literature relating to parental influence on the child's oedipal development in order to counterpoise the greater emphasis in psychoanalysis on the intrapsychic life of the child. Having prepared the reader for a balanced view of child development, discussion is introduced of environmental hazards befalling the oedipal rival, and the consequent oedipal triumph. The intrapsychic effects of such a triumph are then discussed, followed by three clinical examples. The final section of the paper attempts to clarify the relevance of some clinical concepts found useful in the analysis of such patients.
精神分析对孩子内在精神生活的重要性。在让读者对儿童发展有了一个平衡的看法后,讨论了俄狄浦斯竞争对手所面临的环境危害,以及由此带来的俄狄浦斯胜利。然后讨论了这一胜利对内在精神的影响,并列举了三个临床例子。论文的最后一部分试图澄清一些临床概念的相关性,这些概念在分析此类患者时很有用。
本文仅限于西方文化,并假设俄狄浦斯情结三角的性质必然赋予父母双方影响俄狄浦斯情结之发展过程及其解决的权力。本文旨在说明当竞争的父母崩溃或死亡之后对俄狄浦斯胜利的影响,(该议题)迄今为止很少被讨论。首先,本文回顾了一些和父母影响孩子俄狄浦斯之发育有关的文献,这些文献平衡了PARENTAL EFFECT UPON THE COURSE OF OEDIPAL DEVELOPMENT
1、父母对俄狄浦斯发育过程的影响
Freud considered the relevance of parental behaviour to the development of oedipal feelings. For example: 'his [father's] numerous illnesses were bound to have increased her [Dora's] affection for him. In some of these illnesses he been so proud of the early growth of her intelligence that he had made her his confidante while she was still a child' (Freud, 1905, p. 57). Again: 'children often react in their Oedipus attitude to a stimulus coming from their parents, who are frequently led in their preferences by difference of sex, so that the father will choose his daughter and the mother her son as a favourite, or in case of a cooling-off in the marriage, as a substitute for a love-object that has lost its value' (Freud, 1916, p. 207). However, Freud's underemphasis of parental contribution to the child's oedipal development can be seen in his interpretation of Sophocles' Oedipus. He did not mention Laius' crime in his summary of the myth, and after abandoning the seduction theory, ignored his patients' fathers in the case histories. A number of writers (e.g. Bernstein, 1976); (Ross, 1982) have offered a different interpretation of Sophocles' play. According to them, it is the action of King Laius, the father, and not that of Oedipus, the son, that sets into motion the tragic chain of events. As Ross (1982, p. 189) has pointed out: 'Repeatedly Freud neglected the familial reality lurking behind their [patients'] psychopathology, ascribing the latter mainly to the workings of fantasy'.
婚姻变淡的情况下,作为失去价值的爱情对象的替代品”(Freud, 1916, p. 207)。然而,弗洛伊德在对索福克勒斯的俄狄浦斯的解读中可以看出,他对父母对孩子俄狄浦发育的贡献不够重视。他在总结神话故事时没有提到底比斯国王拉伊俄斯(Laius)的罪行,在放弃诱惑理论后,在案例历史中忽视了他的病人的父亲。许多作家(如伦纳德·伯恩斯坦,1976);(Ross,1982)对索福克勒斯的剧作提出了不同的解读。根据他们的说法,是父亲拉伊俄斯国王的行为,而不是儿子俄狄浦斯的行为,引发了一连串的悲剧。正如罗斯(1982年,第189页)所指出的:“弗洛伊德一再忽视隐藏在他们(患者)精神病理学背后的家庭现实,将后者主要归因于幻想的运作。”
弗洛伊德认为父母的行为与俄狄浦斯情结的发展有关。例如:“他(父亲)的许多疾病注定会增加她(多拉)对他的感情。在其中一些疾病中,他为她的智力早期增长感到骄傲,以至于在她还是个孩子的时候,他就把她当作了自己的知己”(Freud, 1905, p. 57)。再次强调:“孩子们经常对来自父母的刺激做出俄狄浦斯式的反应,父母的偏好往往受到性别差异的影响,因此父亲会选择自己的女儿、母亲会选择她的儿子作为最爱,或者在Considering that he had abandoned the seduction theory, and that he lacked 'the hindsight of another half century of observational and clinical contact with children' (Ross, 1982, p. 190), Freud's difficulty in fully appreciating the family contribution is understandable. Bowlby (1969) has observed that 'although in his search for explanation he [Freud] was in each case led to events of early childhood, he himself only rarely drew, for his basic data, on direct observation of children' (p. 3). Unlike Freud, the modern observer is in a position to refine his notions of development by watching children grow within their families.
鉴于弗洛伊德已经放弃了诱惑理论,而且他缺乏“半个世纪以来观察和临床接触儿童的后见之明”(Ross,1982,190),弗洛伊德难以充分理解家庭的贡献,这是可以理解的。Bowlby(1969)观察到,“尽管在寻找解释的过程中,他[弗洛伊德]在每一案例中都通向了儿童早期的事件,但他自己很少从直接观察儿童的过程中得出基本数据”(第3页)。与弗洛伊德不同,现代观察者可以通过观察孩子在家庭中的成长来完善他的发展观。
Spitz (1965) maintains that babies are the only persons in the family without a past. However, each baby is fitted with one, when his parents influence his behaviour and the emerging sense of self in terms of their own predetermined oedipal feelings, says that the child's Oedipus complex can reflect that of his parents, and that parent's unconscious sexual attachment to their children becomes especially strong whenever the parents' real sexual gratification leaves them unsatisfied. Rangell (1955) lists other occasions when a parent's role is affected by his own Oedipus complex: an offspring's emergence from adolescence and search for an overt sexual partner; his impending marriage; entry into the family of the daughter-in-law for the father and of the son-in-law for the mother. Schecter (1968) describes how the arrival of the first baby changes the dual attachment of a marital relationship to an oedipal, triangular one. As the baby gets older, he or she is experienced like a true rival for the privileges and prerogatives in relation to the other spouse.
婴儿是家庭中唯一清白的人。然而,每个婴儿都有过往,当他的父母根据他们自己预先确定的俄狄浦斯情结影响他的行为和浮现的自我意识时,这意味着孩子的俄狄浦情结可以反映出其父母的情结,每当父母之间真正的性满足让他们不满意时,父母对孩子的无意识性依恋就会变得特别强烈。Rangell(1955)列出了父母的角色受到自己俄狄浦斯情结影响的其他情况:子女从青春期出现并寻找公开的性伴侣;他即将结婚;父亲进入儿媳家庭,母亲进入女婿家庭。Schecter(1968)描述了第一个孩子的到来如何将婚姻关系的双重依恋转变为俄狄浦斯情结、三角的结构。随着婴儿年龄的增长,他或她就像一个真正的竞争对手,争夺与另一方配偶有关的特权和特权。
Spitz(1965)坚持认为Freud's own oedipal development was affected by his family constellation of a young mother, and a passive, much older father as seen in Jones' (1953) biography. The father, Jakob, married twice. When Jakob was 40, and his two sons from the first marriage were 22 and 19, he married Amalie, Sigmund's mother, who was then under 20. Jakob is described as gentle, calm, and subdued. He sidestepped the anti-Semitic provocations of his neighbours. For example, the son bitterly recalled an episode when, at the age of 12, he was told how a Gentile had knocked off his father's new fur cap into the mud and shouted at him: 'Jew get off the pavement'. To the indignant son's question: 'And what did you do?' Jakob calmly replied: 'I stepped into the gutter and picked up my cap'. According to Jones (1953, p. 22), after the painful cap-in-the.gutter episode, 'his father never regained the place he had held in his [Sigmund's] esteem'. In contrast, his mother's pride and love for her first-born left an intense impression on the growing boy. As he wrote later: 'A man who has been the indisputable favourite of his mother keeps for life the feeling of a conqueror, that confidence of success that often induces real success' ( Jones, 1953, p. 5).
正如琼斯(1953)的传记中所见,弗洛伊德自己的俄狄浦斯发育受到了他的家庭星座的影响,即年轻的母亲和被动的、年长得多的父亲。父亲雅各布结过两次婚。雅各布40岁时,第一次婚姻中的两个儿子分别是22岁和19岁,他娶了当时不到20岁的西格蒙德的母亲艾米丽。雅各布被描述为温和、冷静和克制。他避开了邻居的反犹太主义挑衅。例如,儿子痛苦地回忆起一段插曲,当时他12岁,有人告诉他,一个外邦人如何把他父亲的新皮帽敲到泥里,并对他喊道:“犹太人滚出人行道”。愤怒的儿子的问题:“你做了什么?”雅各布平静地回答:“我走进排水沟,拿起帽子。”根据琼斯(1953年,第22页)的说法,在经历了痛苦的排水沟里的帽子事件后,“他的父亲再也没有恢复他(西格蒙德)所尊敬的地位”。相比之下,他母亲对第一个孩子的骄傲和爱,给这个正在成长的男孩留下了深刻的印象。正如他后来所写:“一个无疑是母亲最爱的人,一生都有一种征服者的感觉,那种对成功的信心往往会带来真正的成功。”(Jones,1953,第5页)。
Freud's lengthy dream, published as Count Thun, gives a clear picture of his attitude to his father. He dreamt it, after the father's death, in early August of 1898, and called it the 'revolutionary dream'. ( Jones' 1953 biography of Freud mentions two different dates for the death of Freud's father. The generally accepted date of 23 October 1896 is listed on the second page, while a foot.note refers to page 407, where, according to the unpublished Fliess correspondence, Jakob is said to have died on 1 August 1898). An abridged version of the dream from Freud (1900, pp. 208.19) is given below:
弗洛伊德以《图恩伯爵》出版的长篇梦境清晰地描绘了他对父亲的态度。1898年8月初,父亲去世后,他做了一个梦,并称之为“革命梦”。(琼斯1953年的弗洛伊德传记提到了弗洛伊德父亲去世的两个不同日期。第二页列出了公认的1896年10月23日,而脚注指的是第407页,根据未出版的Fless信件,据说雅各布于1898年8月1日去世)。弗洛伊德的梦(1900年,第208.19页)的节略版本如下:
A crowd of people … A count (Thun or Taaffe) was speaking. He was challenged to say something about the Germans, and declared with a contemptuous gesture that their favourite flower was a colt's foot, and put some sort of dilapidated leaf … into his buttonhole. I fired up … I was in the Aula; the entrances were cordoned off and we had to escape. I made way through a series of beautifully furnished rooms, evidently ministerial or public apartments … I was now sitting in the compartment, which was like a carriage on the Stadtbahn [the suburban railway]; and in my buttonhole I had a peculiar plaited, long-shaped object, and beside it some violet-brown violets made of a stiff material. This greatly struck people … Once more I was in front of the station, but this time in the company of an elderly gentleman … He appeared to be blind … I handed him a male glass urinal … So I was a sick-nurse and had to give him the urinal because he was blind … Here the man's attitude and his micturating penis appeared in plastic form. (This was the point at which I awoke, feeling a need to micturate.)
一群人…一个伯爵(图恩或塔夫)在讲话。他被要求说一些关于德国人的话,并轻蔑地宣称他们最喜欢的花是colt's foot,并把某种破旧的叶子…放进了他的纽扣孔。我发火了……我当时在Aula;入口被封锁了,我们不得不逃跑。我穿过一系列家具精美的房间,显然是部长级或公共公寓……我现在坐在车厢里,就像Stadtbahn(郊区铁路)上的一节车厢;在我的扣孔里,我有一个奇特的格子长形物体,旁边有一些由坚硬材料制成的紫棕色紫罗兰。这让人们非常震惊……我又一次站在车站前,但这次是在一位老先生的陪伴下……他看起来是盲人……我递给他一个男性玻璃小便器……所以我是一名生病的护士,因为他是盲人,所以不得不把小便器给他……在这里,这个男人的态度和他正在排尿的阴茎看起来是塑料的。(这就是我醒来的时候,感觉有必要排尿。)
Grinstein (1980) subjects Freud's dream, the associations and allusions, to detailed examination (pp. 94.160) and arrives at the following conclusion:
Grinstein(1980)对弗洛伊德的梦、联想和典故进行了详细的研究(94.160页),得出了以下结论:
his association went from his annoyance with Count Thun and his singing the aria from The Marriage of Figaro, through the numerous literary allusions in which aggression of all kinds was displayed against father figures, and culminated in the reference to the Panizza play which reviled even God himself in the most irreverent way. Freud's intensity of aggression against his father, summarized in his calling it the 'revolutionary dream', became so acute that he had to awaken with a 'pressing need to micturate' (p. 160).
他的联想从他对图恩伯爵的不满和他演唱《费加罗的婚姻》中的咏叹调,到无数文学典故中对父亲形象表现出的各种侵略,最终提到帕尼扎的戏剧,甚至以最不敬的方式辱骂上帝本人。弗洛伊德对父亲的强烈攻击,概括为他称之为“革命梦”,变得如此尖锐,以至于他不得不在“迫切需要排尿”的情况下醒来(第160页)。
Grinstein's extensive analysis of the dream included family and environmental considerations, e.g. that Jakob by the time of his death was half-blind, and that he sidestepped the anti-Semitic provocations, which humiliated his son.
Grinstein对这个梦想的广泛分析包括家庭和环境因素,例如雅各布去世时已经半盲,他回避了羞辱儿子的反犹太主义挑衅。